Voices and perspectives long silenced from the historical record
Surviving Witnesses
For decades, survivors of the Tulsa Race Massacre shared their stories only within their families and communities, as the event was systematically erased from public record. These first-hand accounts provide crucial perspectives on the devastation and resilience that defined this moment in history.
Mary E. Jones Parrish
Journalist and Teacher, Age 28 in 1921
Mary Jones Parrish was a teacher and journalist who documented the massacre as it unfolded. She collected eyewitness accounts and published them in her 1923 book "Events of the Tulsa Disaster," one of the earliest written records of the massacre.
"I could see planes circling in mid-air. They grew in number and hummed, darted and dipped low. I could hear something like hail falling. Down East Archer, I saw the old Mid-Way hotel on fire, burning from its top."
Parrish's detailed account provides crucial documentation that helped preserve the truth of the massacre despite institutional efforts to erase it from history. She and her daughter fled their home during the violence but later returned to Tulsa to document what had happened.
As a young single mother, Parrish had moved to Tulsa for better economic opportunities. She was working as a typist and teaching typing and shorthand at a YMCA when the massacre occurred.
Her book included not only her own eyewitness account, but also those of many other survivors, creating an invaluable historical record when official documentation was being destroyed or hidden.
Parrish wrote: "In the moments that preceded the conflict, the seeds of it were sown in the bed of social and economic inequality."
Despite losing everything in the massacre, Parrish's commitment to documenting the truth created one of the most important historical records we have of the event.
B.C. Franklin
Attorney, Age 42 in 1921
B.C. Franklin was a prominent Black attorney who had moved to Greenwood just months before the massacre. He witnessed the destruction from his law office and later became instrumental in fighting legal battles to help the community rebuild.
"The sidewalk was literally covered with burning turpentine balls. I knew all too well where they came from, and I knew all too well why every burning building first caught from the top."
Franklin documented how planes were used to drop incendiary devices on buildings and how the fires spread block by block. After the massacre, he set up his law practice in a tent and successfully fought against city ordinances designed to prevent Black Tulsans from rebuilding.
Buck Colbert Franklin (father of renowned historian John Hope Franklin) provided one of the most detailed accounts of the use of aircraft during the massacre. His legal expertise proved crucial in the aftermath, as he challenged a city ordinance that would have prevented Black Tulsans from rebuilding.
The ordinance, passed just days after the massacre, would have required all new buildings in the area to be fireproof, making it financially impossible for most survivors to rebuild. Franklin filed a successful challenge with the Oklahoma Supreme Court.
His 10-page handwritten eyewitness account, discovered in 2015, provided crucial details about the massacre, including the use of private aircraft to drop incendiary devices on buildings — a fact that was denied in official accounts for decades.
Olivia J. Hooker
Child Survivor, Age 6 in 1921
Olivia Hooker was just six years old when the massacre occurred. She hid under a table with her siblings as white men with torches entered her family home and destroyed their belongings.
"They took everything they thought was valuable. They smashed everything they couldn't take. My mother had these beautiful hand-embroidered tablecloths she had brought from Scotland. They smashed our piano. They took my father's handmade shirts."
Hooker went on to become the first Black woman to serve in the U.S. Coast Guard and earned a PhD in psychology. She lived to be 103, becoming one of the last survivors of the massacre and an important voice in the fight for recognition and reparations.
After the massacre, Hooker's family moved to Topeka, Kansas, as her parents decided Tulsa was too dangerous. Despite this traumatic childhood experience, Hooker pursued education vigorously.
In addition to her groundbreaking service in the Coast Guard, she earned a doctorate and taught at Fordham University. In her later years, she became a prominent voice advocating for recognition of the massacre and reparations for survivors.
Hooker was part of a legal team that filed an unsuccessful lawsuit seeking reparations for massacre survivors. She testified before Congress about her experiences and was recognized by President Obama for her service and advocacy.
When asked how she overcame the trauma, Hooker said: "It's difficult to forget at gunpoint with people coming and destroying everything you have. But my father said, 'Don't spend your time agonizing over the past or wondering what you could have saved.'"
Hidden Perspectives
Beyond individual stories, there are broader narratives about the massacre that have been systematically excluded from historical accounts. These perspectives help us understand the full context and impact of what happened.
Economic Motivation
Many historians now recognize that economic jealousy was a significant factor in the massacre. Greenwood's prosperity represented Black self-sufficiency and economic power at a time when white supremacist ideology insisted on Black inferiority.
The Greenwood District occupied valuable land near downtown Tulsa during an oil boom, making it coveted real estate. After the destruction, there were immediate attempts by white business interests to purchase the destroyed properties at deflated prices.
Government Complicity
The role of government officials in the massacre went beyond negligence. Evidence indicates that some city officials not only failed to prevent the violence but actively participated in it:
Police deputies reportedly deputized white men, giving them weapons
Fire departments refused to respond to fires in Greenwood
National Guard units were mobilized but primarily arrested Black residents rather than protecting them
This institutional complicity helps explain why the massacre was so thoroughly erased from official records afterward.
Media Role
The Tulsa Tribune's inflammatory reporting played a direct role in inciting the violence. The paper published an article with the headline "Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in an Elevator" and reportedly published an editorial titled "To Lynch Negro Tonight" (though this page was later removed from archived copies).
In the aftermath, local papers characterized the event as a "negro uprising" rather than a massacre, establishing a false narrative that persisted for decades. This demonstrates how media framing shaped both the event itself and its historical memory.
Long-term Impact on Generational Wealth
The destruction of Greenwood had profound implications for generational wealth in Tulsa's Black community. In 1921, the total property loss in Greenwood was estimated at approximately $1.5 million (over $22 million in today's dollars).
Because insurance companies refused claims citing "riot clauses," most families never recovered financially. This represents one of the largest single destroyers of Black wealth in American history, with economic repercussions that continue to this day.
Add Your Family's Story
Many descendants of massacre survivors and witnesses have family stories that have never been publicly shared. If your family has connections to the Tulsa Race Massacre, we invite you to contribute to this living historical record.
